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Early Culture Theory: A Critique of the Enlightenment Project
Paper presented at the 15th Cheiron Europe Conference 1996
Theo Verheggen

The theories of Wilhelm Wundt, Georg Simmel, Thorstein Veblen, Emile Durkheim and Sigmund Freud have traditionally been studied from perspectives true to the narratives of the Enlightenment. I argue that it would be fruitful to instead balance this reception by studying their ideas, concepts, style of reasoning and epistemology from a framework of ideas that was very much "in the air" in their time and that was highly critical of these Enlightenment narratives. In doing so, I take the recent work of the American sociologist Prof. Stjepan Mestrovic as my starting point. Especially, I will address an aspect of his Durkheim interpretation and hope to demonstrate its merits for contemporary social theory.

Let me first clarify what I mean by "Enlightenment narratives". In general -and I am aware that this is a gross abstraction- they can be characterized by an overall faith in human rationality, that is, by the idea that reason will eventually triumph over the uncivilized, animalistic and "irrational" domains of human conduct. According to the ideals of the Enlightenment man, society and even history would reach its fulfillment if one would only be able to control -and eventually overcome- man's passions and drives. At the time, faith in human rationality was sky high, and the human mind was believed to be able to establish the much desired triumph over phenomena associated with the animal will and desires. Secondly, this focus on mind and reason went hand in hand with a preoccupation withh objective, scientific facts of human nature, cut loose from subjective experience, tradition, habits, history, cults -in short "culture" in the sense of romanticism and nationalism. The latter phenomena were dismissed by the Enlightenment (as they were by positivism) because they were perceived to be irrational forces, unreliable in establishing any knowledge of truth.

These Enlightenment narratives provided a framework of interpretation for the work of Simmel, Wundt, Freud, Durkheim, Veblen -all founding fathers of today's social and cultural sciences. But this framework, I argue, did little justice to their original ideas. For instance, it focused on the Enlightenment idea that culture in the sense of civilization and progress is a force that will overcome tradition, habits, cults and passions. As I hope to demonstrate, this interpretation is a highly erroneous one when applied to for instance Durkheim. However, the sociologist Mestrovic offers an alternative reading. He claims that these founding fathers argued in the, what Mestrovic calls -following Henry Ellenberger (1970)- fin de siècle tradition that focused on habits, cults, passions and subjective experience, instead of rejecting it. It is an era -and I quote Mestrovic (1991)- "that Nietzsche described as one in which 'the whole great tendency of the Germans ran counter to the Enlightenment', and in which 'the cult of feeling was erected in place of the cult of reason (Nietzsche 1968:84). Similarly, Durkheim commented in 1914 that 'in our time we are witnessing an attack on reason; actually it is an all-out assault' (Durkheim [1913]1960:386)"- end quote. Wundt, Simmel, Veblen, Sorokin, Durkheim: they insisted, all in their own way, that human nature cannot be studied properly without taking into account the social milieu. While recognizing that the Enlightenment ideas did have their influence on the fin de siècle intellectuals, Mestrovic balances their traditional reception by emphasizing the non-Enlightenment narratives that he holds to be much more important in understanding the founding fathers' work.

One of the most challenging aspects of Mestrovic's reading of the fin de siècle proponents, is that he connects their body of thought to a common source of inspiration, namely the philosophy of the (one might say Enlightenment criticist) Arthur Schopenhauer. One must notice that according to Ellenberger (1970) Janik & Toulmin (1973) and Magee (1983) Schopenhauer was the philosophical superstar in the intellectual circles of the scholars just mentioned. Tracing back many of Freud's, Simmel's, or Wundt's inspiration to Schopenhauer may be a move not all too surprising, since they all cite, or refer to, the German philosopher. However, Schopenhauer's influence on one of the founders of sociology, Émile Durkheim, is not at all common knowledge. As far as I know, Mestrovic is the first to argue for Schopenhauer's philosophy as a cardinal source of inspiration for Durkheim. Maybe I must add here that it is not necessary to demand that Durkheim actually read Schopenhauer or that the German philosopher had a direct influence on Durkheim's thought. But the philosophical climate in middle Europe around the previous turn of the century was chock-full of Schopenhauerian themes: for instance, the notion that will and representation, body and mind, nature and culture, subject and object form a fundamental unity, the idea that the heart (desires) is stronger than the mind (reason). Schopenhauer was pessimistic -not optimistic- about the powers of human rationality. He focused on compassion -not on reason as the key element in society. In that light it must have been virtually impossible for any intellectual to miss Schopenhauer's (at least indirect) influence.

Having said that, I would now like to focus your attention on a consequence of rethinking the founding father's theories through the lens of Schopenhauerian philosophy. Particularly I will do so with respect to aspects of Durkheim's theory. I have been studying this Schopenhauer-Durkheim connection the past year. As a matter of fact, I think that there is similar work to be done with respect to rethinking Simmel and Wundt, but I will focus on Durkheim here. During my stay in Texas in 1995, where I studied with Mestrovic, I tried to unravel Schopenhauerian elements in Durkheim's specific epistemology. There are certainly clear parallels between, for instance, Durkheim's and Schopenhauer's stand in the subject-object debate. Both thinkers deny any schism between the subject and the object. Instead, they focus on the "bridge" that intertwines them. In Schopenhauer's work, this bridge is called the Vorstellung -in English awkwardly translated as representation. Durkheim's equivalent is what he labeled the représentation (I mean thee French word here) whose original connotation is actually much closer to the German term Vorstellung (as Schopenhauer uses it) than to the English word representation. The crux is that both the German Vorstellung and the French représentation are ambiguous terms in that they refer to presenting and re-presenting at the same time. The German word Vorstellung for instance can mean "representation" or "idea" in the sense of mentally mirroring something already present in the outer world.. However it also means "presenting" in the sense of performing, acting out, or creating. Something similar is true for the French word représentation, but this very connotation is lost in the English translation. Payne writes in his introduction to Schopenhauer's main work The World as Will and Representation ([1818]1969) that the German philosopher deliberately choose an ambiguous term to refer to his philosophical concept. I believe that Durkheim did just the same. His représentation is to be understood as the German Vorstellung . In a recent article (Verheggen, 1996), I argue that the concept of représentation or Vorstellung is one of the keys to the non-Enlightenment theorizing of Schopenhauer and Durkheim. To be sure, Kant and Hegel used the concept of representations extensively, but I believe that the use of it by Schopenhauer and Durkheim (as well as by for instance Simmel and Freud) was fundamentally different. For the latter always studied the representation in relation to its counterpart which they explicitly acknowledged: the passions, drives, body, or other refractions of the Schopenhauerian will. The Enlightenment, on the other hand, basically wanted to get rid of anything associated with the will. So, for Schopenhauer, the fundamental dualism of will and representation constitutes the "antagonistic unity" [this oximoron is actually the best term I could think of at the moment to describe this complicated principle] of human existence. On the one hand there is the higher pole -the representation; associated as I said with mind, reason reflection, and civilization. On the other hand there is the lowere pole- the will; associated with passions, the body, the irrational and theh animal will. Adherents of the Enlightenment had predicted that the representation (that is, the "mind") would eventually overcome the barbaric will, in the form of a total triumph of human rationality over animal drives and passions -in short "irrationality". In the view point of Schopenhauer, though, representation and will, mind and body, are inextricably bound and one cannot deny either one of them. In that context, this "Enlightenment" rationality could never overcome the striving "lower pole" of human nature. Consequently, the nature of Schopenhauer's "representation" concept is significantly different from its Enlightenment counterpart. His philosophy is in this point a clear-cut critique to the narratives of the Enlightenment.

Schopenhauer's idea of this "antagonistic unity", including it consequent war between the two poles, can be found in a similar form in Durkheim's work. I argue that it is in the Schopenhauerian light that one must understand Durkheim's famous concept of the "dualism of human nature". In his 1914 article (The dualism of human nature and its social conditions), Durkheim puts forward the notion that human nature is fundamentally torn between individual representations, pertaining to the own organism, and collective representations, pertaining to society. Traditionally, this dualism has been conceived to be a schism between nature and culture, and it has been interpreted in such a way that society / culture would triumph over the individual / nature. This is the notorious view of Durkheim as an extreme sociologist whose mere aim it was to overrule the autonomy of the individual for the sake of society. Essentially, we find here an Enlightenment claim: the higher pole will overcome the lower one; reason / society will triumph over will / individual / body. A schopenhauerian or fin de siècle interpretation as presented by Mestrovic completely changes the reception of Durkheim's concept. What is crucial now is that the dualisms of human nature cannot be resolved: the tension between both poles is essential. As I demonstrated in my article, it makes much more sense tot view Durkheim as a scholar who always sought balance between opposing phenomena; he sought tension instead of one-sided triumph. In short, he acknowledged both will and idea. Form his early writings on the relation between collective and individual representations as in The Division of Labor ([1893]1933) up to his last work on the sacred and the profane in The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life ([1912]1965) balance, tension and duality are the key words. But this was completely missed by the interpreters, arguing according to the Enlightenment narratives.

Rereading Durkheim in a Schopenhauerian, fin de siècle manner, necessarily changes ones outlook on Durkheim's epistemology, his sociology of knowledge, and his symbol theory. The Enlightenment and positivist version of Durkheim had destroyed the dynamics of his duality concept. Mestrovic's counterbalances the traditional reception of Durkheim as an extreme sociologist As early as 1939, Harry Alpert protested against such a distortion of Durkheim's aims and of those of the Durkheimians including Marcel Mauss and Robert Hertz. However, Alpert's argument was hardly acknowledged, until Mestrovic picked it up in the 1980's and added a comprehensive framework for a more "Durkheimian" reading of Durkheim, in which the individual and society form an antagonistic but balanced unity. This sheds a new light on the relationship between the two within Durkheim's thought. That is no longer one of absolute societal dominance over the individual, because "one pole will never vanish or overcome the other".

References
Alpert, H. ([1939]1993). Émile Durkheim and his sociology. Brookfield: Gregg Revivals.
Durkheim, É. ([1893]1933). The division of labor in society. New York: The Free Press.
Durkheim, É. ([1912]1965). The elementary forms of the religious life. New York: The Free Press.
Durkheim, É. ([1913]1960). Pragmatism and sociology. In K.H. Wolff (Ed.), Émile Durkheim 1858-1917: A collection of essays with translations and biography. Columbus: Ohio State University Press. Durkheim, É. ([1914]1960). The Dualism of Human Nature and its Social Conditions. In K.H. Wolff (Ed.). Émile Durkheim 1858-1917: A collection of essays with translations and biography. Columbus: Ohio State University Press.
Ellenberger, H. (1970). The discovery of the unconscious. New York: Basic Books.
Janik, A., & Toulmin, S. (1973). Wittgenstein's Vienna . New York: Simon & Schuster.
Magee, B. (1983). The philosophy of Schopenhauer. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Mestrovic, S.G. (1991). The coming fin de siècle. London: Routledge. Nietzsche, F. (1968). The portable Nietzsche. Translated by W. Kaufmann: New York: Viking Library.
Schopenhauer, A. ([1818]1969). The world as will and representation, vols. 1 and 2. New York: Dover Publications. Verheggen, Th. (1996). Durkheim's 'représentations' considered as 'Vorstellungen. Current Perspectives in Social Theory, 16, pp. 189-219.


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