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Advancing
Cultural Psychology
Symposium organized at the 7th conference of the International
Society for Theoretical Psychology (ISTP), 27 April - 2 May 1997,
Berlin
The aim of the
symposium
In
a recent chapter in a social psychological handbook (Higgins & Kruglanski,
1996) it is argued that culture "should not be understood as context,
because context refers to 'that which surrounds' and seems to imply
that culture is outside and can be separated from psychology or
from people" (Markus, Kitayama, & Heiman, 1996, p. 863). Culture
is an activity, it is practice, it is history turned into nature.
As such culture is diversity, which is the consequence of an ongoing
process of meaning making. The cultural perspective assumes that
psychological processes are not just 'influenced' but are thoroughly
culturally constituted. This sounds promising. Yet, the review of
the literature on culture and biology, culture and the cognitive
system, the motivational and personality system, the interpersonal
system and finally the group does show that what the authors claim
that culture is, has produced the type of research, that is not
in accordance with this claim. Quite on the contrary, culture remains
a variable and remains just 'context'. This symposium, organized
by the Nijmegen Cultural Psychology Group (NCPG) aims at bringing
colleagues together and discuss with them how culture can be conceptualized
in such a way that research will be stimulated that focuses on the
meaning-making, active, practical and diversity producing components
of culture. The NCPG symposium is, of course, open to other papers
that address comparable concerns.
For
now, the NCPG presents four papers with a common theme: Advancing
a theoretically sound and psychologically relevant conceptualization
of culture. At the same time, we hope to discuss with the participants
a viable route to theoretically based research. The emphasis, however,
is on conceptual issues. The first paper is directed towards what
can be called a new epistemology for cultural psychology. One which
present a view of 'the social' that opens psychology up to intrinsic
social processes. The tendency to just aggregate individuals into
e.g. artificial groups is criticized and taken to be the main source
of misdirected cultural psychological research. The second presents
a dialogical perspective on culture and self. It clears the ground
for such an approach by showing that previous and received models
of the nexus between culture and self run into serious trouble,
once the issue of 'multiculturality' is addressed. The third paper
points out that some recent theoretical advances in psychology meet
the traditional anthropological objections against 'idealism' and
'mentalism' in culture theory. The paper aims at an elaboration
of Bourdieu's habitus theory and the notion of embodiment and bodily
practice this theory includes. The fourth paper explains the importance
of activity for cultural psychology. It argues that cultural psychological
phenomena are rooted in practical, socially organized activities.
It will explain how hermeneutics and phenomenology can be developed
into a viable methodology.
Abstracts of
the separate papers
Towards a
psychological study of culture: epistemological considerations
Cor Baerveldt & Theo
Verheggen (Click here
for the complete text of the paper)
In the last decade
psychology has been characterized by a remarkable tendency to "socialize"
or "culturalize" its subject matter. However, for want of a solid
epistemological foundation, much of contemporary cultural psychology
continues to be entrapped in the old pitfall of conceptualizing
culture as "context", as individuals aggregated into artificial
groups, or as a social order that imposes itself upon individual
behavior. We claim that the fundamental "paradox" that comprises
the key problem of cultural psychology, is that precisely when people
are being "themselves", when they act on the basis of their own
authentic experience, there behavior can be observed to be socially
patterned. Therefore, those observed patterns must not subsequently
be put on the scene as an explanation for the culturally "orchestrated"
nature of individual behavior. A profound reflection upon the epistemological
foundations of social science is necessary to reframe the relation
between psychology and culture.
The
above-mentioned paradox gave rise to the question that has been
bothering the social sciences from the outset: what is the reality
of the social? We demonstrate, that one of the main objectives of
some of the founding fathers of the social sciences was the contesting
of naive knowledge claims with regard to a reality "out there",
while at the same time establishing the reality of the social. Even
Durkheim, the alleged advocate of a science that studies social
facts, asserted that those social facts only exist in and through
the experiential world of individuals. At the beginning of this
century the outlines for a "socio-cultural psychology"
or a "Völkerpsychologie" where already
articulated. Therefore, it is even more striking that the social
sciences took a course that can be characterized both as a de-socializing
of psychology and a de-psychologizing of the "true" social
sciences: sociology and anthropology. While, for example, sociology
proclaimed the reality of social facts by stressing their independence
from individual experience and acting, psychology, even social psychology,
established a science of the individual by methodologically setting
this "individual" apart from his/her life-world.
In
order to offer a way out of this problem, we explore the epistemological
consequences of some recent developments in "enactive"
and "constructivist" social science (Varela, Thompson
and Rosch, 1991, Maturana, 1991, von Glasersfeld, 1991). We demonstrate
that in continuously maintaining their own identity, people constitute
co-operative domains of interaction or "consensual domains",
which are "real", because they are rooted within their
own bodily constitution. When we agree with von Glasersfeld (1991,
p. 19) that "(…)the self we come to know and the world we come
to know are both assembled out of the elements of our very own experience",
we are obliged to place this experience in the center of our scientific
inquiries. However, because the distinction between "self"
and "environment" can itself only be made within the descriptive
domain of an observer, it is epistemologically inadmissible to explain
the patterning of this experience in terms of an interaction between
a "prefixed" self and a "prefixed" social reality.
Social patterns do not exist as an independent reality, which is
imposed upon us, but are themselves grounded in the structure of
our experience. So, instead of pointing out the cultural nature
of all that is psychological, we want to focus our attention on
the psychological or experiential nature of all that is cultural.
A paradox only arises, if we fail to distinguish between the descriptive
domain of the observer, who finds the behavior of individuals to
be socially patterned, and the phenomenal domain of the acting individual,
which is rooted in his own constitution.
Advancing
cultural psychology: the psychology of culture
Paul Voestermans
(Click here for the complete text
of the final paper)
Since
the early nineteenth century attempts were made to make psychology
more culture minded. Herbart was the first to emphasize that the
mind's content originates from the fact that people belong to a
group. Wundt's Völkerpsychologie contains the same message. It is
fair to say that a lot is accomplished since then, if one takes
the Markus, Kitayama & Heiman 1996 review of culture as context
and variable in psychological research as a measure. Yet, apart
from being a ready-made product, culture also has a process-side.
In Bourdieu's terminology, a scientific approach to culture has
to deal not only with culture as opus operatum, as product, but
also with the modus operandi, the way culture operates. At this
juncture, I would like to propose in my paper a psychologically
informed approach to culture. I would like to highlight three distinct
developments in psychology which make such an approach possible.
- Interdisciplinary
psychological and anthropological theory and research into the
affective system show the importance of the affect system in the
production and monitoring of behavior. It is quite important for
a cultural psychology to investigate the nexus of culture and
the affective system in order to understand the way culture operates
in constituting emotions and feelings and vice versa. Affective
structures are also important for the understanding of the way
culture involves the body.
- There is
a growing concern in psychology with embodiment. Culture is embodied
as well, which means that in understanding behavior, acquired
and refined bodily skills and practices become as important in
the monitoring of behavior as reflexive, that is to say, propositionally
and argumentatively organized, cognitive processes.
- In social
psychology there is an increasing emphasis on everyday automaticity
in behavior. Priming experiments show the importance of the automatic
activation of behavioral patterns. This makes it possible to approach
culture social psychologically as a 'priming system'.
These
three theoretical developments in psychology taken together tie
in with important new developments in culture theory. The paper
will focus on Bourdieu's habitus theory and on those developments
in the conceptualization of 'culture learning' in which bodily organized
co-regulative practices play a central role (Baerveldt & Voestermans,
1996). Finally, I would like to discuss the research consequences
of the above attempt to bring psychology and culture together in
one theoretical frame.
In search
of a model for the relation between culture and behavior
Harry
J.G. Kempen (Because off illness Harry Kempen was not able to
finish his paper)
This
paper intends to contribute to the development of a model for the
relation between behavior and culture. Some "dual models" attributing
different percentages to the influence of nature versus culture
will be criticized. Also Hofstede's model, a triangle with a broad
baseline for the nature component and thereupon a smaller area for
collective mental programs, with at its top a tiny peak for individual
mental programming. Furthermore the model used in Markus a.o.(1996)
will be reviewed. Here culture is regarded as a factor constituting
a necessary aspect of five basic psychological levels: the biological,
the cognitive, the personal motivational, the intergroup and the
group/cultural. For my model I return to the "dialectical cycle"
of Berger and Luckmann (1966): a) Society is a human product, b)
Society is an objective realty, c) Humans are social products. However,
in this cycle - and in many other social constructionist models
- the production of culture seems to start from a bodyless mental
species. I think it necessary to add to their cycle as a starting
point the human body. Inherent to this body is a self, not in the
way of a Cartesian "cogito", but in the sense of Vico's "wholly
corporeal imagination". In this "as-if"-area humans can weigh in
a risk-free way what to do.
Elsewhere
(Kempen, 1996) I have sketched some five universal task-areas for
humans:
- The self/nonself-boundary,
which can be vague or sharp.
- The evaluation
of the situation: good, bad, good and bad, or neutral.
- Which kind
of activity: doing nothing, becoming active, or participating.
- What is the
appropriate time orientation: the past, the now, the future.
- How large/small
is the space I must attend to.
These
universal options lead to a combinatorial explosion of possibilities.
And here culture enters by way of norm formation: silently consensual,
in the form of collective narratives, or imposed by powerful groups,
by way of a permanent dialogue, or otherwise. An advantage of this
approach is in my opinion: a return to the universal human body,
without loosing the possibility of explaining cultural variability.
A second advantage may be that this form of body-oriented social
constructionism could counter cultural relativism: when the body
is not only the starting-place of cultures, but also its landing
place, cultures might be evaluated from what they do to the body.
Not only directly, by violence for example, but also indirectly
by extorting some of the possible options at the expense of other
bodily possibilities.
An activity approach to cultural psychology: conceptual and empirical
considerations
Carl Ratner (Humboldt State University, Arcata, California)
This
paper explains the importance of activity for cultural psychology.
It argues that cultural psychological phenomena are rooted in practical,
socially organized activities such as work, politics, education,
religion, leisure. These activities organize psychological phenomena
in a variety of ways, one of which is by generating concepts about
the nature/meaning of things. These concepts, in turn, organize
psychological phenomena. I will present examples of this conception
of cultural psychology. The paper will also explain some methodological
principles for investigating cultural psychological phenomena. It
will explain how to describe the cultural features of psychology.
I will show how qualitative methods, particularly hermeneutics and
phenomenology, are particularly useful for such description
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