Chapter 12    Speedy Democratization

 Taiwan Relation Act       

       In July 1971, Henry Kisssinger, special assistant to the U.S. president, secretly visited China and announced President Nixon's plan to visit China.  Three months later, Taiwan withdrew from the United Nations.  Japan severed its diplomatic relations with Taiwan in September 1972; since then Taiwan had met with the trouble of diplomatic severances one after another, whereby in international community the tables were turned in China's favor.  The fictions of  "Republic of China (Taiwan) is the One and Only China" and "Kuomintang regime is the Legitimate Government of China" gave way at last.  Taiwan had taken the path of diplomatic isolation just as being called a "world orphan", and by April 1993, it had kept diplomatic relations with only 29 small countries, which totaled only 1% of world population. 

     To Taiwan, which had had close military and economic relations equivalent to U.S. protection, the cut-off of U.S. diplomatic relations in January 1979 was a severe blow.  However, though diplomatic relations were severed, the United States did not abandon Taiwan altogether.  In April 1979, the United States government enacted "Taiwan Relation Act", a domestic law, to replace the "Sino-American Mutual Defense Treaty" of the past.  This law, which was intended for maintaining substantial relations with countries of no diplomatic relations, was very exceptional and probably an experiment for the first time in the history of diplomacy and international politics.     

      "Taiwan Relation Act", which consists of 18 articles, put great emphasis on America's relations with "Taiwan residents" rather than Kuomintang regime.  The scope of its application covers only Taiwan and Penghu (the Pescadores) Islands, and does not extend to Kimoy or Matsu that are controlled by Kuomintang regime.  Furthermore, it has been clarified that "Taiwanese Government Authorities" means the government authorities present and its successor.  From these matters one can see clearly that the United States Government, by excluding Kimoy and Matsu from Taiwanese territory, intended to apply this law even under the succeeding government of Kuomintang regime.  Therefore, when "Taiwan Relation Act" was enacted, Kuomintang regime resisted it at first, but later changed its position towards this law from a more realistic point of view, and expected other countries such as Japan and Philippine to follow the U.S. in making similar Taiwan relation laws. 

       The binding power on the U.S. or Taiwan may be weak because "Taiwan Relation Act" is a domestic law; it did not only substitute for "Sino-American Mutual Defense Treaty", but also expanded with wide range of themes.  The principal parts are: (1) To maintain peace, security and stability of western Pacific region; (2) To maintain various relations with Taiwan; (3) To resolve Taiwan issues peacefully; (4) To remove any boycott or blockade against Taiwan; (5) To supply Taiwan with defense weapons; (6) To remove any use of force or pressure against Taiwan; (7) To protect human rights of Taiwan residents, etc.  This explains that "Taiwan Relation Act" has taken into consideration the armed aggression of China against Taiwan and the human rights suppression on Taiwan residents by the Kuomintang regime.

       Item C, Article 2 of "Taiwan Relation Act" writes that besides defending Taiwan from China’s armed aggression, “the U.S. object is to promote the human rights of all Taiwan residents”.  Based on this, "Democracy for Taiwan" was included in the "Foreign Affair Empowering Act" (For fiscal year of 1986-87) signed by President Reagan in August 1985.  It emphasized that the continuing support of democratization movement in Taiwan has become America's moral and legal obligations specified in Taiwan Relation Act.  Based on the above Act, the United States urged Kuomintang regime to move vigorously toward this goal".  All these had contributed greatly to the democratization in Taiwan later.

       Although there was no diplomatic relation between the two countries, the United States has recognized Taiwan as a quasi-sovereign "Political Substance", and not only supplied defense weapons but also opened American market to Taiwan.  Moreover, on Sino-Taiwan relation, the United States Senate adopted a "Resolution regarding the future of Taiwan" in July 1989, which stated "The future of Taiwan must be resolved peacefully without any threat and in a form acceptable by the Taiwan residents.... the relations between the People's Republic of China and the United States depends upon whether the Chinese Government would give up the armed aggression on Taiwan."  In the international community where Taiwan is isolated under unavoidable circumstances, the Kuomintang regime relies too much on the United States to ignore the request for democratization. 　

Formation of Opposition Party and                                              Abolition of Martial Laws

       By 1970's, the Taiwanese leaders who grew up after "Feb.28 Incident" started pushing for democratization domestically in the name of "Dan-Wai" (a political group other than Kuomintang), while oversea students in the U.S. and Japan supported them by asserting independence for Taiwan abroad.  The Taiwanese in the United States lobbied continuously in the U.S. Senate, which showed its support by calling various public hearings on "Taiwan Relation Act", etc.  This had further encouraged "Dan-Wai" in Taiwan.  The "Kaohsiung Incident" on December 10, 1979 (An assembly commemorating International Human Rights Day was suppressed as rebellion), the "Murder of Dr. Chen Wen-chen" in July 1981 (An Associate Professor of Carnegie Melon University, who was murdered while on a home-coming visit to Taiwan), and the "Murder of Chiang Nan" in October 1984 (A nationalized American writer who, authored the Biography of Chiang Ching-kuo, was murdered at his home in San Francisco), etc., which demonstrated cruel suppression and killing of the Taiwanese people angered the American citizens and were even criticized  by pro-Kuomintang President Reagan. Owing to untiring efforts by the Taiwanese home and abroad, and impact from these incidents helped in gaining increased understandings and supports from American citizens and the U.S. Congress, and had become the great driving force of democratization in Taiwan.

       Since publishing new daily newspaper was forbidden under the martial law, developing democratization movement heavily depended upon publications of monthly or weekly magazines.  Moreover, 90% of the "Dan-Wai magazines" published by the Dan-Wai patriots were banned upon printing based on the publication law under "State of Emergency".  To protect their rights, the editors of Dan-Wai magazines organized "Association of Dan-Wai Editors and Writers" in September 1983 (Hereafter referred as "Dan-Wai Editors").  In addition, under the ban of organizing new political party, the Dan-Wai Legislators and Members of Assemblies at various levels organized "Public Policy Study Group of Dan-Wai Public Officials" in February 1984 (Hereafter referred as "Public Policy Study Group").

        "Dan-wai Editors" and "Public Policy Study Group" started to prepare organizing a political party.  On the other hand, five influential men in the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives, namely Claiborne Pell, Edward M. Kennedy, Stephen Solarz, James Leach and Robert Torricelli, organized a “Committee for promoting democracy in Taiwan” to push Kuomintang regime for political reform.  They pointed out that “The martial law in Taiwan is unnecessary, since America is assuring Taiwan’s security”, and appealed strongly to lift the martial law, warning: “If Kuomintang neglected the democratization, it will result in a more violent method of resolution”.  In addition, the Sub-committees of Asian Pacific and Human Rights in the Congress passed the “Taiwan Democratization Act” demanded that Kuomintang regime should: (1) Allow the formation of new political party; (2) Abolish censorship and assure freedom of speech, assembly and association; and (3) Realize a complete and democratic parliamentary system.  Moreover, in August, five influential Congressmen of Democratic Party joined in signing a petition to Mr. Schultz, the Secretary of State, urging him to work on the Kuomintang regime in allowing a new political party.  All these actions in the U.S. Congress were the results of lobbying by the Taiwanese who resided in the U.S., and were part of their supports for preparation of a new political party in Taipei.  Finally, on September 28, 135 initiators gathered at Grand Hotel in Taipei, and the first opposition party after the war, the “Democratic Progressive Party” (DPP) was born.

       How would the Kuomintang regime cope with the formation of Democratic Progressive Party, which was prohibited by the martial law, attracted much attention, and Kuomintang reasoned that “Though unlawful but we do not consider DDP an illegal organization”, and accepted DDP as an opposition party.  On November 10, 1986, soon after its formation, DDP held the first general meeting of party members and adopted the party platform and regulations.  Listed in the party platform were: (1) Abolishment of martial law; (2) Re-election of National Assembly; (3) Abolition of the “Temporary Provisions”; (4) The future of Taiwan should be decided by the residents under free, independent and fair form; (5) The Kuomintang army should be transformed to National Army, etc.  In view of this, the Kuomintang regime did not hide its impatience and branded DDP as Taiwan for Independence Party.

      In December 1988, an election to refill Legislators and National Assembly Representatives took place, and DDP, remaining an “illegal party”, participated in the election with official candidates.  As a result, 12 out of 19 Legislator candidates, and 11 out of 25 candidates for National Assembly Representatives were elected, gaining 25% of popular votes.  During this election campaign, comic posters ridiculing the deified and sacred Chiang Kai-shek and his son, President Chiang Ching-kuo, even appeared with a remark saying: “No more pigs (Chinese) for President”.  One could not but feel that he was now living in quite a different age.

        There was a weekly magazine called “Free Time” criticizing the Kuomintang regime most severely in Taiwan, edited by Cheng Nam-ron (nickname Nylon), a second generation Mainland Chinese born in Yilan, Taiwan.  Cheng was very active in promoting Taiwan independence, and seeking 100 percent freedom of speech.  Almost every issue of the magazine was banned, however, he continued publishing under pre-registered new names, which he prepared in advance for the prohibition.  Cheng not only challenged the biggest taboo by introducing Oversea Taiwanese independence movements, but also asserted Taiwan independence in his editorials.  In addition, on April 18, 1987, he made an impassioned speech before several thousand audiences at a meeting in Taipei, saying: “I assert that Taiwan should be independent”.  He was the first person to openly assert Taiwan independence when the martial law was still in force.  It was an action with the resolution to die.  Then, on January 20, 1989, summoned by the high prosecutor’s office for suspicion of treason, Cheng Nylon refused to appear in the court, and continued resistance by shutting himself up in the “Free Time” Editor’s Office.  In the morning of April 7, refusing to be taken by force, Cheng burned himself to death.  Incidentally, the dead body of Cheng Nylon remained seated in a chair, showing he was a man of iron will.  Cheng Nylon has more than bolstered up the moral of the Taiwanese by his speech, heroic act, and death.

        On July 15, 1987, under the mounting pressures from the U.S. Senate, State Department, and the Taiwanese democratization movement, home and abroad, the Kuomintang regime at last dissolved the martial law that had been in force continuously for 38 years, but put the “National Security Act under State of Emergency” (Hereafter referred as “National Security Act”) in force instead. 

        It was provided in Article 2 of the National Security Act that: “Assembly and association by the people are in violation of the Constitution, and assertion of Communism or territorial division is prohibited”.  Since the Constitution was shelved by the “State of Emergency”, and there was hardly any Taiwanese Communist, the main object of Article 2 was obviously “Territorial division of the country”, in other word, to prohibit the assertion of Taiwan independence.  However, with the economic growth in Taiwan in 1980’s, consciousness of citizen’s right had risen considerably; even under martial law, assertion of democratization and Taiwan independence had been made.  The National Security Act was unable to stop the current.  The situation was rather like petitioning for establishing parliament movement under the Japanese rule, the Kuomintang regime’s suppression of speech, protest demonstration, and arresting would only bring up Taiwanese political heroes and stars.

LeeTeng-huiAssumed                                                                       the Presidency and Party Boss

      On December 25, 1987, when the Komintang regime’s authoritarian rule was in the decline, Democratic Progressive Party gathered about 30,000 citizens and held a demonstration meeting in Taipei demanding an all-out re-election of the Parliament.  On this day, a ceremony “Commemorating the Constitution’s 40^th Anniversary” was taking place in Chung-shan Memorial Hall, and in the midst of Chiang Ching-kuo’s speech, 11 Democratic Progressive Party representatives stood up chanting “All-out re-election of the Parliament” for twenty minutes and left the meeting.  President Chiang Ching-kuo was standing speechless with astonishment.  It was an impressive sight to see how the Kuomintang’s control power and President Chiang’s absolute existence had withered.

       On January 1, 1988, the ”Newspaper Ban”, prohibition on publishing new daily newspaper, which had been going on for so long, was finally abolished.  Although this was a pre-arranged policy, newly published neutral newspapers were no match for the Kuomintang newspapers, which had become giants by monopolizing the market under martial law.  Nevertheless, the abolition of paper ban was one step forward to democratization.

      In the afternoon of January 13, the death of highest authoritarian President Chiang Ching-kuo, Kuomintang chairman, was reported.  Moreover, according to the provision of the Constitution, Lee Teng-hui, the Vice President, was promoted to be the President.  It was the first time in history that a Taiwanese has reached the position as the head of state, and many Taiwanese unconditionally welcome Lee Teng-hui, the new President, with high hope that his administration will meet their expectations.  However, ever since moving to Taiwan, Kuomintang regime had been a system like a carriage of four horses namely: “Party”, “Administration”, “Military”, and “Secret Police”, controlled by the Mainlanders, with Chiang Kai-shek and Chiang Ching-kuo, father and son at the top.  How would Lee Teng-hui, a Taiwanese, keep a rein over them attracted much attention.  Incidentally, immediately after the death of Chiang Ching-kuo, the leaders of “Party”, “Administration”, “Military”, and “Secret police” of Kuomintang regime were: Li Huan, Kuomintang Party Secretary; Yu Kuo-hua, Chief of Administrative Yuan; Hao Po-chun, Chief of Staff; and Song Shin-lien, Chief of National Security.  There was no problem whatsoever for Lee Teng-hui’s assumption of presidency, however, there was a strong opposition for him to assume the chairman of Kuomintang Party.  To the Kuomintang regime, of which Party Chairman surpasses President the head of state, the position cannot be turned over to a Taiwanese so easily.

       Although Chiang Ching-kuo promoted Lee Teng-hui to be the Vice President, he did not think about appointing him as successor.  It was only necessary to compromise with the Taiwanese people, who were 86% of Taiwan’s population, that Taiwanese was appointed as Vice President.  In other words, it was an “Ornament” Vice-President.  Just as he admitted himself, Lee Teng-hui was appointed because of his “Sincere and Honest” personality; and he was chosen for his “safety degree”, not being an ambitious man.  Contrary to Chiang Ching-kuo’s will, Lee Teng-hui’s elevation to the President was the result of his sudden death and none other.  Therefore, Sung Mei-lin, the widow of Chiang Kai-shek, and the party powers centered in the Mainland elders were opposed to Lee Teng-hui’s assumption of Party Chairman, even though it was unavoidable to promote him to the President.  Moreover, like the way when Chiang Kai-shek died, they insisted “the separation of President and Party Chairman”, and intended to make Lee Teng-hui a “robot president”.

      However, after the death of Chiang Ching-kuo, the political environment in Taiwan was that Taiwanese influence had gained ground considerably, and was in a situation not able to tolerate making Lee Teng-hui a robot.  In the 13^th Kuomintang Party Convention in July 1988, Lee Teng-hui was elected the Party Chairman; hereupon Lee had assumed the positions of President and Party Chairman.  Nevertheless, this does not mean that he had obtained the control of “Party”, “Administration”, “Military”, and “Secret police” organizations of the Kuomintang regime.  

The Personality of Lee Teng-hui

      Lee Teng-hui was born in January 1923 in San Tzi Hsiang, Taipei Prefecture, Taiwan, during the Japanese rule, graduated from the former Taipei High School, and while studying Agricultural Economy in the Department of Agriculture of Kyoto Imperial University in Japan joined the war as student, after the war re-entered Taiwan University, and graduated in 1948.  He went to study in Iowa State University of the United States for two years from 1952 and took a Master’s Degree in Agriculture, and further studied in Cornell University, U.S.A. from 1965 and acquired a Doctor’s Degree in Agriculture with a thesis titled “Capital flow between agriculture and industry in Taiwan”.  This thesis had won the first prize in the U.S. in 1968 awarded by the Agricultural Economy Society, and had become the stepping stone to political career for Lee Teng-hui.  After returning to Taiwan, when reporting Taiwan’s agricultural problem in 1971, he impressed Chiang Ching-kuo deeply; with this opportunity, he joined the Kuomintang Party, and in May 1972 was promoted to the Administrative Committee member (equivalent to cabinet member) of Administrative Yuan.  Thus, he had taken a step forward as a statesman.  In June 1978, Lee was appointed as the Mayor of Taipei, and was promoted to the Central Committee member of the Kuomintang Party.  In December 1981, he became the Governor of Taiwan Province, and three years later, in March 1984, was elected as the Vice-President, under the 7^th President Chiang Ching-kuo.  One can see from the background, Lee Teng-hui started his career as a scholar, joined the Kuomintang Party at the age of 48 changing his career as a statesman, and at the age of 65 he had become the President and the Kuomintang Party Chairman.  However, behind such favorable life, Lee Teng-hui lost his only son (Age 33, died of sickness) in 1983; and by accepting this cruel fate, he enriched his faith as a Christian.  It had been said that at his son’s death, he swore to stop drinking and smoking, promised to take care of his orphan grand daughter until she grew up.  The reputation of “Eminent Scholar”, “Devout Christian”, “Great statesman matured late”, and “a Man of Imprudence and Persistency” came from these backgrounds.

      One can see that being born the son of small landlord family, Lee Teng-hui coherently specialized in the study of agricultural economy, and had held strong concern and problematic consciousness toward agriculture.  In those days, most of the Taiwan students in Japan aimed for Tokyo Imperial University, but he insisted on choosing the Department of Agriculture of Kyoto Imperial University, which is highly reputed for its liberal academic traditions, wherefrom one can catch a glimpse of young Lee Teng-hui’s trend of thought.  Moreover, he went twice to study in the United States where he encountered the assassination incident of Rev. King, leader of the movement for emancipation of black people, and was said to have received grave shock and influences from it.  Certainly, like most of Taiwanese politicians under the Kuomintang regime, Lee Teng-hui did not insist his own opinion and had shown an obedient posture, before he took office as the President.  However, not only being a Taiwanese but also young in party history, though assuming the positions of President and Party Chairman and without the control of “Party”, “Administration”, “Military” and “Secret police”, Lee Teng-hui was by no means a “robot” that the Mainlander party elders expected.  Moreover, with the support of the majority of Taiwanese and their anticipation, Lee Teng-hui had overcome difficulties and realized his political conviction step by step.   

Lee Teng-hui’s Power Control

       In the power structure of Kuomintang regime, among “Party”, “Administration”, “Military” and “Secret police”, Sung Sin-lien, the Chief of National Security Bureau, concurrently the big boss of Secret Police and Information Agency, was loyal to the new President Lee Teng-hui, and took positive attitude towards “Separation of Information and Peace-keeping”, one of Lee Teng-hui’s democratization policies.  Sung Sin-lien, an army general and a Mainlander, was a good example to show that Lee Teng-hui had no intention to give cold shoulder to Mainlanders, while driving for democratization and power control. 

      At the outset, President Lee Teng-hui reshuffled the late President Chiang Ching-kuo’s secretary Shen Chhang-hoan, an elder of the previous era, who had a strong voice in diplomacy, and replaced him with Lee Yuan-tzu, the previous Minister of Justice, who was reputed to be a “Man of Silence”.  This removed the obstacle of the “Practical Diplomacy” (Also is called “flexible” or “realistic” diplomacy), which Lee Teng-hui was promoting.  In June 1989, Yu Kuo-hua, the Chief of Administrative Yuan was reshuffled, and was succeeded by Li Hoan, the Secretary of Kuomintang party.  Sung Chhu-yu was designated as successor of Li Hoan.  This enabled Li Teng-hui to control the “Party” through Sung.  In December of same year, Hao Po-chun, who had been the Chief of Staff for eight years and had powerful influence in the military, was transferred as Defense Minister.  This was the first step Lee Teng-hui took aiming to control the “Military” as the Commander in Chief of Armed Forces.

      The term of 7th President was expiring in May 1990.  At the beginning, Kuomintang Party agreed to put Li Teng-hui forward as the 8th President, but Li Teng-hui strongly defied Administrative Yuan Chief Li Hoan and National Security Council Secretary Chiang Wei-kuo, the the second son of Chiang Kai-sek, who were both strongly expecting the position of Vice-President.  In December 1989, Party Chairman announced at his own decision to name Lee Yuan-tzu as the candidate for Vice-President.  Because of this, the Mainlander party elders revolted against the decision, and as a result, hostility between the “Mainstream Faction” (Reformist Faction) which centered Lee Teng-hui and the “Non-Mainstream Faction” (Conservertist Faction) became more and more conspicuous. 

       The nomination for the 8th President and Vice-President was done in the extraordinary general session of Kuomintang Party’s Central Committee on February 11, 1990.  In this general session, the Non-Mainstream Faction advocated “Democracy within the Party”, saying to make decision by standing up or raising hands is undemocratic, and asserted secret ballot.  Finally, of the total 180 Central Committee members, 169 who attended the session voted down the secret ballot by 99 to 70.  If the secret ballot was approved at that time, the nomination of Lee Teng-hui and Lee Yuan-tzu for President and Vice-Ppresident might not be realized.  This is why it was called the “Miscarried Coup d’Etat”.  It should be noticed that pro-democratization “Mainstream Faction” persisted in the decision method by standing up or raising hand, while anti-democratization “Non-Mainstream Faction“ asserted the more democratic secret ballot. 

       Lee Teng-hui was inaugurated as the 8th President in May 1990, and the tenure of the Presidency was six years till May 1996.  Lee Teng-hui had repeatedly stated upon assuming the presidency that he had no intention to run again after his term expired.  At first, it looked as if he would become a “lame duck”, however, not only there was no such sign at all, but on the contrary he became a President with power both in name and in reality, propelling powerful reforms.  In June, immediately after assuming the office of the 8th President, he reshuffled Administrative Yuan Chief Li Hoan, and appointed Defense Minister Hao Po-chun as the new Chief of Administrative Yuan, after first having him retired as an army general.  This personnel transfer making Li Hoan and Hao Po-chun hostiled to each other was aimed at the effect of upsetting the tie of Non-Mainstream Faction and cut off Hao Po-chhun from the military by stripping his register in the army.  Later in December 1991, Lee Teng-hui appointed Admiral Liu Ho-chen whom he trusted as the Chief of Staff.  By realizing the high rank military personnel arrangements, Lee Teng-hui, who was completely foreign to the military, was at last able to control the military through Liu Ho-chen.  Up to now, Lee Teng-hui had just about controlled “Military” in addition to “Secret Police” and “Party”,  What remained was the control of “Administration”. 

       In December 1992, the second election of the legislators took place, and the Opposition Democratic Progressive Party made a breakthrough by winning 52 out of 161 seats.  In the election, needless to mention the Opposition, even the Mainstream Faction candidates of  Kuomintang criticized the Administrative Yuan Chief Hao Po-chun and demanded his resignation.  Li Teng-hui reshuffled Hao Po-chun as if supported by the Opposition Party, appointed his confidant Lien Tsan as new chief of Administrative Yuan, and finally managed to control the “Administration”.  While he was at it, Lee Teng-hui also reshuffled and assigned Hsu Sui-teh, ambassador to Japan, as the Party Secretary.  In March 1993, Hsu Sui-teh (Born in 1931, Kaohsiung, Taiwan), Lien Tsan (Born in 1936, Tainan, Taiwan), Liu Ho-chen (Born in 1926, Anhuei Province, China) and Sung Shin-Lien (Born in 1923, Anhuei Province, China) became the heads of “Party”, “Administration”, “Military” and “Secret Police” respectively, and Lee Teng-hui became the driver who grasps the bridle of Kuomintang regime’s “four head carriage”.  Thus, the true “Lee Teng-hui establishment” was completed.  It took four years to reach this point, and was the result of stubbornly and persistently sticking to his will, submitting to many misunderstandings and criticism.   

Lee Teng-hui’s Democratic Reform

       Observing Li Teng-hui's political style so far, his political beliefs can be integrated and summarized as: (1) Party should not precede the nation; (2) The troop must not be "the troop of the party", but should be "the troop of the nation"; (3) Democratic politics is political party politics, it should not be one party dictatorship; (4) Taiwan should not be isolated in the international community, practical diplomacy should be promoted; (5) Must avoid conflict with Chinese government or Communist regime; (6) Political prisoners only exist in the developing countries, it is a disgrace to the democratic country.  If these were realized in Taiwan, that is exactly what is called “A revolution without bloodshed”.  But ironically, in order to realize his own political belief, it was necessary for Li Teng-hui to contradict himself in invoking the state power as the undemocratic “revolutional party” Kuomintang chairman, to whom the power was concentrated.

       In April 1988, soon after Li Teng-hui assumed the Presidency, in defying the heavy pressures from Kuomintang’s elders, he mitigated and released a part of the political prisoners at the opportunity of commemorating the 100^th day of Chiang Ching-kuo’s death.  In February 1989, he made a state visit to Singapore as President. This time an arrangement was made beforehand with the Singaporean Government, and the expression of “President from Taiwan” was used instead of  "Republic of China President".  Concerning this, Li Teng-hui, in answering reporter’s question said: "It is dissatisfactory, but acceptable".  In addition, he sent a delegation with the incumbent Finance Minister as the head of delegation to the annual general meeting of the Asian Development Banks which opened in Beijing in May of the same year.  At the opening ceremony, the head of delegation stood up and showed respect to the playing of Chinese national anthem.  "The President from Taiwan" was based on “Practical Diplomacy” that does not stickle with the name of the country, and “Respect Chinese National Antham” was based on “Not to conflict with China”, both political beliefs could be seen as startup signs of Li Teng-hui diplomacy and efforts toward improving relationship with China. 

      In February 1990, having been influenced by the “Coup d’Etat without bloodshed” owing to internal conflict, the “Perpetual Representatives” of the National Assembly, an organization responsible for electing President and Vice-President, took the opportunity and adopted a hand-picked treatment improvement plan for themselves.  Most of these National Assembly Representatives were so-called “Perpetual Representatives” who had not been terminated since they were elected in China.  The citizens, who were opposed to this, repeated protest demonstrations day after day; the students also joined the protest with sit in or hunger strike, and organized a “National League of Student’s Movement (Hereinafter referred as N.L.S.M.)” for the first time in Taiwan.  Fearing that these students’ action may develop and turn into “Taiwanese Tiananmon Incident”, Li Teng-hui met with the student representatives and promised: (1) To resolve National Assembly; (1) To hold a nonpartisan “National Affairs Conference”; (3) To terminate the State of Emergency and abolish the Temporary Provisions; (4) To practice direct election of the President; (5) To present a schedule of political reforms.  Li Teng-hui used the citizens and students’ criticism toward Kuomintang regime and demand for reforms to contain the oppositions in the party, and strengthened his own power of voice.  Immediately after assuming the office as the 8th President on May 20, he did a large-scale amnesty for the political prisoners.

      In June 1990, under the auspices of the President’s Office, a “National Affairs Conference” was held to discuss the state affairs.  In October, a nonpartisan “National Unification Committee” was set up as the President’s advisory agency.  This was considering the Conservative Faction in the party and the Chinese Government who were cautious that Lee Teng-hui’s democratization may connect to “Taiwanization”, Taiwan independence, or independence of the Kuomintang regime.  Democratic Progressive Party was opposed to this Committee because it did not only profess “Unification”, but also conflicts with “Self-determination of Taiwanese residents” that DPP asserted, and countered with a resolution at the 4^th Annual Convention in October asserting that “the Reigns of Taiwan do not extend to China and Mongolia”.  Moreover, the Supreme Judge Council (Agency for interpreting the Constitution) passed an “interpretation” in the same month that “the first term of the Congress (including National Assembly, Legislative Yuan, Control Yuan) was to be terminated by the end of 1991”.  This interpretation was a reflection of the policy of Kuomintang’s Reformist Faction, and the premonition of the end of “Perpetual Representatives” means allover reelection of the Congress, an advance step to democratization.  However, in November of the following year, when Huang Hua, an officer of World United Formosans for Independence, who “asserted Taiwan independence”, was arrested on suspicion of “rebellion”, the promotion of democratization became doubtful. 

      By April 1991, an extraordinary session of the first term National Assembly centered by the “Perpetual Representatives” was called, and upon amending a portion of the Constitution legalizing the “Organizations under State of Emergency” such as National Security Council and Bureau of National Security, etc.,  the abolition of the “Temporary Provisions” was resolved. With this resolution, President Lee Teng-hui proclaimed that as of May 1,  the “State of Emergency” was ended and the “Temporary Provisions” were abolished.  Thus Taiwan’s emergency structure was lifted, and Chinese Government, Communist regime were no longer the “Rebel Organizations”, and from now on Chinese Government is addressed as “Mainland authority” or “Communist regime”.  In protesting the scheme of legalizing the “Organizations under State of Emergency” through revising the Constitution by the second term National Assembly, Democratic Progressive Party held an unprecedented large scale demonstration with 100,000 people in Taipei on April 17. 

      In May, so-called “Incident of Taiwan for Independence Association” occurred, and a “National League of anti-Persecution Movement”  was organized.  In view of this, in order to prevent the escalation of the movement and as a compromise, the martial law and the infamous “Ordinance for Suppressing Rebellion” were rapidly abolished, and at the same time, political prisoners who were imprisoned for “rebellion” were released.  Huang Hua, who asserted “Taiwan independence”  was among the released political prisoners. 

      In August of that year, because Hao Po-chun, the Administrative Yuan Chief, who have already left the military service, frequently held military meetings, and was deemed interfering with the “Supreme Command” of Armed Forces Commander in Chief, Lee Teng-hui summoned eight generals in important positions to the Presidential Palace, and instructed that “Soldiers must safeguard the nation and the interests of nationals, should only be loyal to the nation and nationals, and should not serve any particular party or individual”. This was implicitly not only to contain Hao Po-chun, but also to warn the military not to intervene with politics.  Furthermore, he released the contents of his instruction on the newspapers, and emphasized that the army does not belong to any party or individual, but belong to the nation and all nationals, measuring to sweep the former “Party’s Army” and “Chiang’s Army”.  Unexpectedly, Sung Mei-lin, Chiang Kai-sek’s widow, left for the United States, her “home country”, in September. The U.S. bound of Sung Mei-lin means that Chiang family was leaving the political stage of Taiwan, hence a portion of the fetter that dangling round Lee Teng-hui was removed.   

      Moreover, by the end of December, the resignation of the first term Representatives of National Assembly, Legislative Yuan and Control Yuan, who had never been re-elected for more than 40 years, the leftover of so-called “Perpetual Representatives”, a total of 565 in number was realized. 

     By May 1992, Criminal LawArticle 100, which punishes even at the phase of speech, was revised, and so-called "Thought Crime"or"conspiracy crime" is no longer conclusive.  Political prisoners were also released at this time, and the cases of "Rebellion Incidents" at bar were acquitted.  By now, the law or ordinance that punish political opponents had disappeared, and LeeTeng-hui's political belief that “the existence of political prisoners is disgrace to democratic country" may be considered as completed as far as law maintenance was concerned.  Incidentally, by April 1993, there was nearly no political prisoner in Taiwan, and the “black list”of Taiwanese who had been forbidden to return home was almost nonexistent.

       In December 1992, the election of 161 second term Legislators, a general election first time in Taiwan history, was held.  After a fierce battle, Democratic Progressive Party won 52 seats, declared victory and celebrated with champagne.  Kuomintang remained with 103 seats and admitted “defeat”.  Needless to say that the “victory” and “defeat” did not reflect on change of power, but was merely an analytic judgement on a match between “elephant” (Kuomintang with 2,500,000 party members) and “ant” (DPP with 40,000 party members).  In any case, with this general election in Taiwan, the “foreign regime” Kuomintang acquired justification of ruling Taiwan for the first time, which has a very significant meaning. 

      Although the democratization in Taiwan was advancing in rapid pace, it was still only halfway.  Moreover, the result so far was not achieved entirely by Lee Teng-hui’s political belief.  It was won with blood and tear by many courageous Taiwanese since “February 28 incident”, through their sacrifices and deaths, and under repression and oppression by the Kuomintang regime.  Needless to add, beside the supports from various countries, especially the citizens of the Unites States and Japan, we must not overlook the roles played by the American Congress and Government. 

       Since the second term Legislators were inaugurated in February 1993, one party dictatorship by Kuomintang has already vanished.  Li Teng-hui, the Kuomintang chairman, in comply with the request of “Democracy within the Party” from the Conservative Factions, announced that in the coming 14^th Party Representatives Convention in August, the Party Chairman, and all Central Committee Members will be publicly elected by the party representatives. Thus, Kuomintang will be changed over from a “Revolutional Party” to a “Democratic Party”.  In addition, in answering to the question by the Legislators, Cabinet Minister Lien Chan promised that party influences will be withdrawn from all public organizations, such as military, administration offices and public industries.  However, the position of Kuomintang as “the only and the largest party”, established under “Party Ban” over a long period of time, still remained.  This reality is the largest bottleneck of Taiwan’s democratization in the future. 

      Kuomintang, which had been called the "Taiwan Zaibatsu", possessed an enormous number of privileged "Party-managed Enterprises”.  Only those known at present, there are 9 listed companies, 35 unlisted companies with open stocks, and 40 companies with stocks unopen, with a total assets of 400 to 500 billion Taiwan Yuans.  The “Party-managed Enterprises” which are cotrolled by the Party Central’s Finanancial Committee, penetrate deeply into every commercial fields, and are uneasy to dissolve.  The existance of these “Party-managed Enterprises” is the obstacle of fair competition between political parties in politics.  On the other hand, the Opposition, DPP’s finance was hard up and its asset was near zero. 

       The existence of “Grand Old Men of the Party” is another problem.  Like the Communist Party, Kuomintang also value the “seniority in the Party”, in other words, one’s party history.  Kuomintang’s senior party members, who are still alive and are called “Grand Old Men of the Party”, are almost all Mainlanders.  They are the heart of Conservative Factions, who enjoy various privileges.  If the “Democracy within the Party”, which the Conservative Factions confronted with Lee Teng-hui in order to shake him up, was realized, the vested interests of these “Grand Old Men” will be lost instantly.  The largest difficulty Lee Teng-hui would face in Party Reform was how to treat these “Grand Old Men” who belonged to the Conservative Factions.  Yet, the Conservative Factions had largest influences in resisting political democratization, including “Democracy within the Party”.  Therefore, the “Democracy within the Party” and a thorough democratization may cause a split in the Party, and was a heavy fetter to Lee Teng-hui’s democratization.

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